“One of the intelligence officers approached me, asking for cooperation to undermine the unity of the Western Togoland Restoration Front. I pretended to agree in exchange for a large sum of money that I knew he would never actually provide — a tactic I used to force him to search for another target. He then asked, ‘Aren’t you concerned about your image when you demand this kind of payment?’ I replied, ‘Sir, you don’t strike me as someone who values patriotism. So frankly, I’m not worried about how I appear in your eyes.'”
This account was shared by Charles Kormi, founder of the “Homeland Study Group Foundation,” and one of the most influential figures in Togoland, after his assassination.
Tension gripped the streets of Ghana’s capital, Accra, and its suburbs in late September after leaked images surfaced online, published by the Western Togoland Restoration Front — a separatist movement seeking independence from Ghana. The images appeared to show a graduation ceremony for 500 recruits who had undergone military training at undisclosed locations. The revelation posed a significant threat to Ghana’s national security at a sensitive time as the nation prepares for its upcoming presidential elections in December.
The historical roots of Togoland trace back to Gustav Nachtigal — a prominent figure who began as a physician and rose to become the Imperial Commissioner of Germany in West Africa. Following the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885, Germany seized control over Togoland, branding it the “model colony.” However, after Germany’s defeat and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, the territory was divided between Britain and France. The western part went to Britain, and the eastern to France. This division remained until African countries gained independence. In the 1950s, a referendum was held: Western Togoland voted to join Ghana, while Eastern Togoland became the Republic of Togo in 1960.
Since joining Ghana, discontent has brewed in Western Togoland. Locals frequently protest what they perceive as unjust treatment and governmental neglect. These protests often subside but reemerge periodically. In the 1990s, Charles Kormi founded the “Homeland Study Group Foundation” to advocate for the political and civil rights of Western Togolanders. The platform soon evolved into a political movement pushing for self-determination. In 2017, it gained membership in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), a leading international body supporting self-determination causes.
Western Togolanders argue that the political system in Accra does not represent them and treats them as foreigners. Their region, they claim, suffers from underdevelopment and neglect. The Homeland Study Group now demands not only independence but a reexamination of the original referendum under which Western Togoland was annexed to Ghana. They argue that UN documentation allows for the possibility of secession after 50 years of union. While Accra refuses to negotiate, it remains aware of the parallels between Western Togoland and Ambazonia in Cameroon — both movements share similar origins, political goals, and UNPO membership, although Ambazonia boasts more advanced military and organizational capabilities.
Should Western Togoland achieve independence, it faces two paths: becoming a sovereign state, which would require efforts exceeding even South Sudan’s secession, or merging with the Republic of Togo, which would deepen French influence in the Gulf of Guinea.
The growing wave of separatism across Africa supports earlier assessments — that independence for Western Togoland is unlikely in the near future unless it aligns with international interests. The same holds true for most separatist movements across the continent.
Coming Next: What would the independence of Western Togoland mean for Gulf interests? Is there a unified Gulf vision for Togoland? And how do Togolese leaders perceive the Gulf’s stance? These questions will be answered in the next article.
Dr. Amina Al-Arimi
An Emirati researcher specializing in African affairs.
