I have a special relationship with Sudan. It was here that I embarked on my journey to the farthest reaches of Africa, east, west, and south. It was here that my academic achievements and practical experience were born. It is the only country where I find refuge from the pressures of life. It is from there that I travel to explore the depths of the unknown, and to it I always return. Last March, I conducted a press interview with the Sudanese press about the political reality in post-revolution Sudan. This interview came in the context of promoting my new scientific book, “Sudan and the Intertwining of the Spearheads,” which I am presenting to the Emirati and Gulf libraries. It is an in-depth Gulf reading of the Sudanese interior and an understanding of its composition, a composition absent from the Gulf reader, who unfortunately relied on figures and scientific references not written by Sudanese authors, who have no connection to Sudan, and who do not wish good for either party. An in-depth Gulf reading of the Sudanese interior, which includes my scientific book, can only be achieved by doubling and supporting the Gulf-Sudanese rapprochement at all levels, so that the Gulf reader can gain a picture that reflects the Sudanese reality as it is. This will support both the Gulf and Sudanese parties in strengthening the foundations of the desired strategic partnership.
Sudan today aspires to regain its role, both internally and externally, as a pivotal player in the Horn of Africa. How could it not be so easy if it wants to, and so difficult if it decides to. On the domestic front, the transitional government announced the reinstatement of Sudanese citizenship to citizens of South Sudan, so that the southern citizen will have the opportunity to: Dual citizenship. Sudan seeks to reconcile with itself and open a new page with its southern half, which bears a legacy of injustice that needs to be eradicated by generations that did not witness the atrocities of the 1990s and beyond. Externally, the Horn of Africa countries will not forget Khartoum’s pivotal role in supporting the late Ethiopian Renaissance leader Meles Zenawi and the Eritrean Popular Front. None of this would have succeeded without Sudanese security and intelligence support. The events that coincided with that era provide much that explains the depth of the role Khartoum played in the Horn of Africa. Will it be renewed? As for the issue of lifting sanctions on Sudan, it is linked to Sudanese-American-Israeli relations. Most Sudanese elites believe that the announcement of the lifting of sanctions and the removal of Sudan from the terrorism list is a decision without results. International promises to Sudan accumulated before and after the signing of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, and Sudan ultimately seceded into two countries and lost its southern oil, which had contributed to the revival of the Sudanese economy. This decline deteriorated after the secession, affecting the Sudanese currency, which until early 2010 had outperformed many Arab and Gulf currencies. Therefore, today’s discussion of this issue will take two paths: either it will be linked to the conclusion of a deal to hand over former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to the ICC, or it will be linked to Khartoum’s genuine behavior that supports its openness to the world, including Israel. Sudan has never been neglected or absent from the Israeli imagination, but rather a present that Tel Aviv longs to experience and a future that strengthens its security strategy for the twenty-first century. Sudan faces many challenges today, and the recent terrorist assassination attempt against Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok is just one of those challenges. Whatever its plot, it was intended to disrupt the Sudanese political landscape and send a message to the Sudanese people, first and foremost, that there are those capable of reshuffling and rearranging the cards. This is especially true given that Sudan’s new direction and Khartoum’s rapprochement with regional and international actors will undoubtedly strengthen the role of the current government. This will have a positive impact on Sudan’s foreign relations. This is something some of the parties behind the assassination attempt do not want, as their plot must be revealed before their perpetrators are identified. The Sudanese public will not be convinced to bring the perpetrators to justice until their masterminds are revealed. I believe the perpetrators will be eliminated even before the investigations begin. In my book, “Sudan and the Intertwining of Spearheads,” I addressed Sudanese-Gulf relations, particularly given their deep-rooted history, which has left a lasting imprint on the renaissance of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, which have relied and continue to rely on Sudanese expertise in various fields. I also addressed the Sudanese political situation since the Salvation Government came to power in 1989 and the momentous events that followed, leaving deep traces in Sudanese political reality. I based my discussion of that era on direct interviews I conducted with prominent thinkers and scholars in Khartoum. I concluded the book with the most important challenges facing post-revolution Sudan—challenges that have come and will continue to confuse the Sudanese political landscape, and this is what the people of the land of Al-Muqrin, more than anyone else, expect.
I understand the Sudanese people’s anger at the circumstances that have distanced them from the global political scene and their desire today to highlight Sudan’s pivotal role in its regional neighborhood. But will today’s political circumstances contribute to Sudan’s return as a pivotal player in the Horn of Africa, as it once was, especially given that the political tensions in the Horn of Africa are pushing matters in the direction of various expectations? We answered this question in the book “Sudan and the Intertwining of Spearheads,” which is a translation of the reality I experienced as one of those who witnessed firsthand the most significant political turning points that swept the Sudanese nation, most notably the Darfur War, the secession of the South, and the Sudanese Revolution and the bloody drama that preceded it, which burdened the Sudanese people. They emerged en masse, hoping for life. I can therefore assess the Sudanese political reality as I see it and as I anticipate it in the future, from the perspective of a Gulf researcher who has refrained from discussing ideologically guided minds and believes in the truth as it is, as everyone sees it and understands it, even if they do not utter it.
A scholarly contribution by the researcher is available at the following link:
http://mogadishucenter.com/2020/05/%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b3%d9%88%d8%af%d8%a7%d9%86%d8%8c-%d9%8
Dr. Amina Al-Arimi
An Emirati researcher specializing in African affairs.
